Thoughts on the Practice of Democracy in Nigeria
I remember watching the inauguration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo as Nigeria’s President on May 29, 1999. It was a momentous occasion. After sixteen years of intermittent military rule, punctuated by coups, truncated transitions, and the dashed hopes of the June 12, 1993 election, that day felt like a breath of fresh air. Nigeria was finally returning to civilian governance. Democracy, it seemed, had come home.
But questions lingered. The June 12 election, considered the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history, had been annulled. Its presumed winner, Chief MKO Abiola, was imprisoned and eventually died in custody. General Sani Abacha, who had jailed him for treason, also died under mysterious circumstances. Into that chaotic aftermath, a former military general, General Olusegun Obasanjo (rtd), was released from prison, participated in the electoral process, which he won, and then was ushered into office, this time wearing civilian garb. It was symbolic, perhaps intentional, some would argue, considering the lingering circumstances, but what kind of democracy were we stepping into?
The 1999 Constitution, drafted under a military government, laid the groundwork for Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. Drawing heavily from the United States model, it featured federalism, separation of powers, a bicameral legislature, and an independent judiciary. On paper, it offered everything a modern democracy should: checks and balances, citizen representation, and clear distinctions between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches.
From the outset, many Nigerians rejected the constitution, pointing out that “we the people” were never consulted. There was no constitutional conference, no referendum. Instead, a document was handed down from a military regime, meant to serve as the foundation for civilian governance. Unsurprisingly, this origin story has haunted the practice of democracy ever since. Twenty-six years later, the question still lingers: Is this form of democracy working for us? Or, more pointedly, are we practising democracy the way it should be practised?
What we have in Nigeria often feels like democracy in form but not in substance. We hold elections every four years. We have a free press and free speech (though increasingly under constant threat). We have lawmakers, governors, and judges. Yet the outcomes of these institutions often leave me wondering if they truly align with democratic ideals.
Let’s consider a few key dysfunctions:
- Remnants of Military Mentality: Nigeria’s political class, by and large, still governs with a command-and-control mindset. Politicians deploy security forces to settle political scores, suppress opposition, and intimidate voters. Citizens with the right connections bypass laws, processes, and institutions. The rule of law is conditional, not absolute. Even the ordinary man on the streets prefers to settle matters with force rather than allow the law to take its course. Could this be a “lack of trust in the system” issue?
- Electoral Dysfunction: Elections in Nigeria are not contests of ideas; they are often contests of logistics, money, manipulation, and muscle. Electoral violence, vote-buying, and judicial reversals have become normalised. Many of the best minds avoid politics because the process is hostile to integrity. This does not excuse them though, but it is easier to consider one’s safety first if the cost of getting involved is higher than one can pay.
- Voter Disempowerment: In an environment of pervasive poverty, votes are routinely exchanged for rice, wrappers, and small cash. This is not just a moral failing but a survival tactic. When people are hungry, long-term governance ideals take a backseat to immediate needs. Stomach infrastructure will continue to rule in the face of poverty.
- No Consequences: There is a near-complete absence of accountability. Public officials routinely abuse power with no repercussions. Anti-corruption agencies like the EFCC and ICPC appear to act selectively, vigorous when politically expedient, and dormant when the target is politically connected. Even those who end up getting prosecuted ultimately find a way not to face the full consequences of the law. The judiciary? Tainted with some questionable judgements. Quite sad.
- Selfish Governance: Perhaps the most glaring indicator of our democratic woes is how governance appears to have become a self-profiting venture, not a service. The legislature awards itself astronomical salaries and allowances, and the worst of all, in my opinion, is the award of constituency projects: a role outside its primary legislative mandate. Government ministries are bloated and inefficient. Public servants operate with impunity. The private sector colludes with public officials when given the chance. Where does it end?
These are not just anomalies; they are systemic problems. They signal that while we may have borrowed the structures of democracy, we’ve neglected the soul of it: the active participation of informed citizens, the primacy of the rule of law, and the supremacy of the public good over private interests.
Some argue that things were better before independence and in the early post-independence era. In the 1960s, under parliamentary rule, Nigeria had regional governments that seemed to function with some degree of autonomy and efficiency. The Western Region recorded significant progress in education and infrastructure. The Eastern and Northern regions also had developmental ambitions and tangible results. The foundations of our national development in areas such as physical infrastructure and educational impact are still visible today, although in decline.
Even though the First Republic eventually crumbled under the weight of ethnic tensions and political rivalries, there was at least a sense of vision and competition for good governance at the regional level. Democracy then felt closer to the people.
Today, our federal structure exists largely in name, a bit better than a few years ago, but still not fully effective. States are still financially dependent on the federal government through monthly allocations. Many states are not viable, not because they don’t have anything to offer, but rather due to an absence of vision and execution. Local governments, not realising their power and impact, are appendages of state governors. What we practice is more a centralised patronage system than a true federal democracy.
Again, I wonder. Is democracy itself the problem, or is it how we have chosen to practice it? It’s tempting to say democracy doesn’t work for Nigeria or even for Africa at large as many African countries experience variations of the Nigerian situation. But that would be too easy and too dangerous. Democracy, in its true form, remains the best-known system for ensuring freedom, participation, and accountable governance. The issue is not with the model but with the actors and the environment.
Democracy is not just about voting. It is about civic education, robust institutions, cultural values that uphold justice and fairness, and a society that demands more from its leaders. In our case, we inherited the structure but neglected the nurturing. We adopted elections but didn’t build trust in the institutions that manage them. We borrowed the language of democracy, but continue to govern with the tools of autocracy and manipulation.
Can this democracy deliver a better Nigeria? Yes, but not in its current form or practice. We must first acknowledge that democracy is not self-executing. It requires active and informed citizens, independent institutions, and leaders who understand that power is a trust, not a trophy.
Here are a few ideas that could move us forward:
- Constitutional Reform: We need a truly people-owned constitution. A document crafted through public consultation, reflective of our realities and aspirations, not a hand-me-down from the military era. It is time to listen and act on the various calls for citizens’ involvement in a constitution that is true of the people.
- Strengthen Local Governance: True federalism must return. Local and state governments need both autonomy and accountability. This can bring development closer to the people. Political leaders at those levels actually need to grow up and take responsibility.
- Civic Education: Nigerians must be taught, not just in schools, but through mass media and public discourse, what democracy entails and why it matters.
- Electoral Reform: The process of voting and vote-counting must be made transparent and secure. The cost of running for office must be drastically reduced. Electioneering must not be reduced to being a money game.
- Consequences Must Be Real: Corruption, abuse of office, and disregard for laws must come with real, timely consequences. This is where justice and democracy meet. There must be no favourites at any level, and institutions charged with ensuring this must approach their work with all seriousness.
Democracy is not a one-size-fits-all outfit, but it also isn’t an inherently flawed garment. It requires tailoring, adjusted to the people it serves. Nigeria’s challenge is not that democracy cannot work here. It is that we have not yet committed, collectively and consistently, to make it work. Until we do, we will continue to recycle leadership and reinforce broken systems. As we celebrate another Democracy Day, I wonder: Is democracy really working for us? Maybe the better question is: Are we working for democracy? This is the way I see things today.