This thing with JAMB — Dave Chukwuji

by Editor2
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Following Nigeria’s independence from Britain in 1960, its educational system has undergone various reforms influenced by shifts in politics, changes in the economy, and evolving societal needs. Nonetheless, despite these transformations, persistent systemic issues remain, particularly in the realm of admissions to tertiary education, where the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) is often at the centre of debate. This article outlines the development of Nigeria’s educational policies, explores the role of JAMB, and examines the reasons why, despite its intended purpose, the board continues to face criticism. A common thread? The challenges lie not so much in the policies themselves but in the individuals charged with implementing them.

1960s: Expansion After Independence and the Ashby Commission

In the wake of independence, Nigeria aimed to dismantle the colonial educational system, which primarily benefited missionary and British interests. The government focused on increasing access to education, especially to reduce the disparity between the better-developed South and the educationally disadvantaged North. The Ashby Commission (1960) established a foundation for higher education by recommending the creation of new universities and the enhancement of teacher training programs. This initiative resulted in the establishment of institutions such as Ahmadu Bello University (1962) and the University of Lagos (1962).

However, the push for Universal Primary Education (UPE) faced hurdles, including inadequate funding, poor infrastructure, and regional disparities. These early challenges foreshadowed a recurring issue in Nigerian education: good policies, poor implementation.

1970s: The Birth of JAMB and the National Policy on Education

The 1970s saw significant structural reforms, including the introduction of the 6-3-3-4 system (six years primary, three years junior secondary, three years senior secondary, and four years tertiary) under the National Policy on Education (NPE, 1977). This model emphasized technical and vocational training to address skill gaps.

A major milestone was the establishment of JAMB in 1978, replacing the British-style sixth form system. The board was tasked with conducting the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) to standardize university admissions.

Yet, even then, challenges loomed. The UPE Scheme (1976), despite its noble goal of free primary education, collapsed due to poor planning, insufficient funding, and a lack of qualified teachers. This pattern—bold policies undermined by weak execution—would repeat itself for decades.

1980s–1990s: Economic Decline and Educational Stagnation

Nigeria’s economic downturn in the 1980s, worsened by falling oil prices and Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs), crippled education funding. Military rule further disrupted governance, leaving policies like the revised NPE (1981) largely unimplemented.

The Nomadic Education Program (1989) was introduced to cater to marginalized groups, but like previous initiatives, it suffered from poor execution. Universities expanded, but quality declined due to underfunding, strikes, and brain drain.

JAMB, though functional, struggled with credibility issues. Examination malpractice became rampant, and the centralized admission system faced criticism for alleged bias and inefficiency.

2000s: Democratic Reforms and the Universal Basic Education Act

Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999 brought renewed focus on education. The Universal Basic Education (UBE) Act (2004) mandated nine years of free schooling (six years primary, three years junior secondary). However, familiar problems—underfunding, inadequate infrastructure, and poor monitoring—limited its success.

Private universities and schools proliferated, filling gaps left by underperforming public institutions. Meanwhile, JAMB continued to administer the UTME, but allegations of corruption and inefficiency persisted.

2010s–Present: Modernization and Persistent Crises

In recent years, Nigeria’s education system has faced new challenges: rapid population growth, terrorism (particularly Boko Haram’s attacks on schools), and the need for technological integration.

JAMB introduced Computer-Based Testing (CBT) in 2013 to curb malpractice and improve efficiency. However, technical failures—server crashes, power outages, and insufficient CBT centers—have frustrated candidates, especially in rural areas.

The 2024 JAMB Crisis: A Symptom of Systemic Failure

Earlier this year, reports of mass failures in the UTME sparked outrage. While JAMB defended its grading system, critics accused the board of setting unrealistic standards. Politicians and activists called for JAMB’s abolition, arguing that it had outlived its usefulness.

But is JAMB really the problem?

A deeper analysis suggests that the issue lies not with the board’s mandate but with its execution. Chronic underfunding, inadequate staffing, and poor infrastructure have hampered JAMB’s effectiveness. In 2016, the board publicly declared it lacked sufficient funds to conduct seamless examinations—a problem that persists today.

The People, Not the System

Nigeria’s education history shows a clear pattern: policies are well-intentioned, but implementation fails due to corruption, incompetence, and lack of political will.

Before dismantling JAMB, the focus should be on:

Adequate Funding – Allocating sufficient resources for infrastructure, staff training, and technology.

Transparency – Ensuring fair grading and reducing malpractice.

Decentralization – Expanding CBT centers and improving accessibility in rural areas.

Stakeholder Engagement – Involving educators, students, and tech experts in policy formulation.

JAMB was created to solve a problem—centralized, fair university admissions. The idea remains sound, but its execution has been flawed. Rather than scrapping the board, Nigeria must address the real issue: the people and systems managing it.

As with numerous institutions in Nigeria, the answer lies not in perpetual reinvention but in improved governance, accountability, and ongoing investment. Until these aspects are addressed, the cycle of policy failures will persist, leaving students—and the country’s future—in uncertainty. 

Nigeria’s issue isn’t a lack of policies, but a lack of effective leadership to implement them. The recent controversy surrounding JAMB highlights a deeper problem: poor execution, not policy gaps. As with many situations in Nigeria, the challenge is not with the policy or the concept; it is consistently the individuals responsible for implementing these policies or actualizing these ideas. 

So, before anyone considers dismantling JAMB and replacing it with something else, perhaps we should start with staffing it better and running it better. It’s always the people. Not the system. 

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